Charles de Gaulle is the clearest example of the role of the individual in history. Charles de Gaulle (different views on life and work)

Like all great statesmen, Charles de Gaulle remained in the memory of people in a very contradictory way. Sometimes it seems that talking about him, they are talking about completely different people. Regardless of subjective opinions, he is the founding father of the modern French state, proudly calling itself the Fifth Republic. For 42 years after his death, the political husk flew off the image of this man, and it became clear that this military general saw the future better than most of his contemporaries.

Biography

He was born in the century before last, in 1890 in Lille, from childhood he dreamed of accomplishments for the glory of France, so, quite logically, he chose a military career. He graduated from the military school in Saint-Cyr. Baptism of fire took place on the fronts of the First World War, was seriously wounded, enlisted in the dead, was taken prisoner. Tried to run regularly. He was imprisoned in a fortress, where he met the Russian lieutenant Mikhail Tukhachevsky. He, in the end, fled, but de Gaulle did not succeed. He did not leave freedom until after the defeat of Germany, but he did not go home, but remained in Poland as an instructor. There he had to take part in repelling the blow of the Red Army, which was led by his friend Tukhachevsky.

The behavior of Marshal Pétain, who surrendered France to the Germans, was regarded by de Gaulle as a betrayal. From this moment begins a new life of General Charles de Gaulle - the leader of the struggle for the liberation of the Motherland from the invaders. The enormous moral authority acquired in this role was the reason that at the end of the war France was among the victors of Nazism. The struggle was not only military, but also political, so forged a public figure who rallied (often against their will) in order to bring France to the forefront of world powers.

Although he had been the head of the Provisional Government of France since 1944, after the adoption of the constitution of the Fourth Republic in 1946, he left it due to disagreements with left-wing politicians. To him, a staunch supporter of a strong centralized power, it seemed disastrous to give power in the country to a collective body - the National Assembly. Time has shown that he was right. When the Algiers crisis came in 1958, Charles de Gaulle returned to politics, his party won elections, held a referendum on a new constitution, and he became its first president with full powers.

And first of all, de Gaulle ends the war in Algeria. This deed of his earned him the gratitude of many Frenchmen, but also the hatred of those who were forced to leave this colony, and after it many others. Fifteen assassination attempts were organized on de Gaulle, but he happily escaped death. His indisputable merit was the technical breakthrough made by France in the post-war years. The French mastered nuclear technology and equipped their army with atomic weapons, and power grids with nuclear power plants.

Charles' opinion of American monetary expansion surprised many at the time. Back in 1965, during an official visit to America, he brought Lyndon Johnson a whole ship loaded to the brim with dollars and demanded their exchange at the official rate of 35 dollars per ounce of gold. Johnson tried to scare the old soldier with trouble, but attacked the wrong one. De Gaulle threatened to withdraw from the NATO bloc, which he soon did, despite the fact that the exchange was made. After this episode, America completely abandoned the gold standard, and we are all reaping the fruits of this today. The wise President of France saw this danger long ago.

His name...

France appreciated their general shortly after his death. Today, in the eyes of the French, de Gaulle is almost equal to Napoleon I. The flagship of the French Navy, the first nuclear aircraft carrier built outside the United States and without their help, the largest ship launched in France in 1994, is named after him. Today it is the most combat-ready ship in Europe.

Many thousands of guests of France set foot on its soil at the airport. The ultra-modern design, which it combines with fantastic technical equipment, makes this airport a real masterpiece of architecture and technology.

One of the central squares of Paris - d'Etoile, Place des Stars, now bears the name of de Gaulle. Only knowing the desire of the French in every possible way to preserve any details of history, one can understand how much this means in their eyes. There is a monument to the general on the square (by the way, the French most often refer to him as "General de Gaulle"). Another square named after him is located in Moscow, in front of the Cosmos Hotel.

Much more could be said about this extraordinary man. But it is especially touching that he bequeathed to bury himself next to his daughter, who died early, disabled from birth. It turns out that he was also capable of deep and tender love, this soldier and politician who was not afraid of anyone or anything ...

Charles André Joseph Marie de Gaulle was born in Lille on November 22, 1890 and died in Colombay-les-Deux-Église on November 9, 1970. In the eighty years of his life, this man managed to become the greatest hero of France after Joan of Arc. He managed to lead the country twice, both times taking leadership at the peak of a national catastrophe and leaving the state in a state of economic recovery and growth in international prestige. At the same time, he wrote more than a dozen books - memoirs and theoretical works on military art, some of which remain bestsellers to this day.

Being, admittedly, an utterly authoritarian person himself, de Gaulle, possessing, in fact, sovereign powers, twice voluntarily renounced his power and resigned. Moreover, this man, who was feared by the Allies as a potential new Hitler-type dictator, left to posterity one of the most stable political systems among European democracies, called the Fifth Republic, under the constitution of which France lives today.

The mysterious, mystical hero de Gaulle - the savior of France, the unifier of the French people, the liberator of Algeria and other colonies of the empire - is still one of the most controversial figures in the recent history of Europe. Many figures of the political scene used his techniques more than once, his life, attitude towards himself, towards duty, aspirations and convictions became a model for many generations.

An aura of mystery has surrounded de Gaulle ever since his voice was first heard on British radio in 1940 in Nazi-occupied France, and for many French people, for several years, de Gaulle remained just a voice - the voice of freedom, saying twice a day five-minute speeches, remained the name of hope that members of the Resistance movement passed on to each other. De Gaulle himself used this secrecy more than once to achieve certain political goals. However, in practice, Charles de Gaulle was not at all such a mysterious person. Ambiguous - yes. But all the "secrets" of the general are hidden in his biography. After all, first of all, the figure of the great general was a product of the extraordinary circumstances in which all of France found itself. And one of her soldiers in particular.

Jeanne d'Arc complex

Charles de Gaulle was born into a wealthy family, his parents were right-wing Catholics. His father, Henri de Gaulle, was a professor of philosophy and history at the Jesuit College on Rue Vaugirard. Charles received a religious education, read a lot, showed great interest in literature from childhood, even wrote poetry. Having become the winner at the school poetry competition, the young de Gaulle chose the latter from two possible prizes - a cash prize or a publication. De Gaulle was fond of history, especially since the de Gaulle family was proud not only of their noble origin and deep roots, but also of the exploits of their ancestors: according to family legend, one of the de Gaulle family, Zhegan, participated in the campaign of Joan of Arc. Little de Gaulle listened his father's stories about the glorious past of his family with burning eyes.Many, such as Winston Churchill, later laughed at de Gaulle, saying that he suffered from the "Joan of Arc complex." But the most revered French saint dreamed of the future general in childhood, in a dream he fought side by side with her for the salvation of France.

Even as a child, de Gaulle's character showed obsessive persistence and the ability to manage people. So, he taught himself and forced his brothers and sister to learn a coded language in which the words were read backwards. It must be said that this is much more difficult for French orthography than for Russian, English or German, and yet Charles could speak such a language without hesitation in long phrases. He constantly trained his memory, the phenomenal qualities of which amazed those around him later, when he recited speeches of 30-40 pages by heart, without changing a single word compared to the text outlined the day before.

From his youth, de Gaulle had an interest in four disciplines: literature, history, philosophy, and the art of war. The philosopher who had the greatest influence on him was Henri Bergson, from whose teaching the young man could draw two important points that determined not only his general outlook, but also practical actions in everyday life. The first is what Bergson considered natural, the natural division of people into a privileged class and an oppressed people, on which he based the advantages of dictatorship over democracy. The second is the philosophy of intuitionism, according to which human activity was a combination of instinct and reason. The principle of acting on a hunch after precise calculation was used by de Gaulle many times when making the most important decisions that led him to the heights, as well as overthrown him from them.

Family atmosphere and hobbies shaped de Gaulle's attitude to his homeland, to its history, to his mission. However, the desire for military affairs forced de Gaulle to carry out in practice the fulfillment of that duty to the motherland, which for many generations of philosophers and teachers of de Gaulle remained a pure theorem. In 1909, Charles went to the Military Academy in Saint-Cyr.

It is widely believed that military service deprives a person of the ability to think independently, teaches him only to follow orders that are not subject to discussion, prepares martinet. There is hardly a more graphic refutation of such nonsense than the example of Charles de Gaulle. Every day of service was not wasted for him. Without ceasing to read, to educate himself, he carefully observed the life of the French army, noticing all the shortcomings in its structure. Being a diligent cadet, without violating the charter in any way, he remained a strict judge of what he saw. Classmates at the academy considered de Gaulle to be arrogant. For his high growth and character, he was dubbed "long asparagus." The same height, I think, played a significant role in his self-awareness. And then to say: every day in the formation, when the corporal shouted "equal!", He was the only one who did not turn his head - everyone was equal to him.

In 1913, with the rank of second lieutenant, he entered the service in an infantry regiment under the command of the then Colonel Philippe Pétain (who was destined to raise de Gaulle to commanding heights, so that later, in 1945, to be pardoned by his own former protégé and thereby avoid death executions). At the very beginning of the war, Charles was twice wounded, after which he was taken prisoner, where he stayed until the conclusion of a truce and from where he tried to escape five times - each time unsuccessfully.

After the war, de Gaulle participated in the intervention in Soviet Russia as an instructor officer in the Polish troops. After that, he served in the occupying forces in the Rhineland and participated in the operation to invade the French troops in the Ruhr, in an adventure from which he warned the authorities and which ended in a resounding failure - under pressure from Germany and the allies, France was forced to retreat, and its share in the reparations payments have been reduced. At this time, he wrote several books, among which it is worth highlighting "Discord in the Camp of the Enemy", a commentary on the actions of the German army and government during the First World War, begun in captivity. The actions of the German headquarters in this work were subjected to sharp criticism. De Gaulle did not dwell on the objective reasons for the defeat of Germany, but gave an analysis from which it followed that the defeat was led, almost in the first place, by the internal and military policy of the German government and the General Staff. It must be said that at that time in France, paradoxically, the organization of the military machine of the Wehrmacht was considered a model. De Gaulle also pointed to the significant miscalculations of the Germans.

The book was subsequently appreciated for its many fresh ideas. For example, de Gaulle argued that even in times of war, the military administration of a state must be subordinate to the civil administration. Now this statement, which follows directly from the thesis that wars are won in the home front, seems obvious enough. In the 1920s in France, it was sedition. It was not useful for a career military man to express such judgments. De Gaulle, in his views on the structure of the army, on the tactics and strategy of the war, was very different from the mass of the French military establishment. At that time, his former commander, the winner at Verdun, Marshal Pétain was an indisputable authority in the army. In 1925, Pétain turned his attention to the fact that de Gaulle did not take a worthy place in the headquarters, and appointed him his adjutant, instructing him to soon prepare a report on the system of defensive measures in France.

De Gaulle prepared this report, but it came as a surprise to the patron, since it was completely at odds with his own views. Where the marshal's protagonists relied on the line of fortified defense, based on the strategic and tactical lessons learned from the "positional" World War I, de Gaulle spoke of the need to create mobile tactical formations, proved the uselessness of defensive structures in the conditions of modern technological development, especially considering that the borders of France were completely unprotected by nature, passing mostly through open plains. As a result, relations with Pétain were spoiled, and the headquarters headed for the infamous Maginot Line. The very first days of the new war proved that de Gaulle was right.

At the same time, de Gaulle first showed himself as a politician: despite the fact that he was unofficially in disgrace, he managed to continue the implementation of his undertakings and, at the same time, career growth. Firstly, he was the only career military man who allowed himself open speeches in the press. This was by no means welcomed by the military authorities, but it significantly increased popularity in the country. Secondly, faced with obstacles in the military environment, he immediately turned to politicians, and did not at all hesitate to compromise his principles in order to achieve his goals. In 1934, he turned to the far-right politician Paul Reynaud, who liked de Gaulle's army reform project. Reynaud tried to push the bill through parliament, but was unsuccessful. Then in 1936, Captain de Gaulle, with the same initiative, went personally to the leader of the Socialists, Leon Blum. It is difficult for us now to imagine how much this step contradicted at that time the very essence of a man of such upbringing and habits as de Gaulle. Nevertheless, Leon Blum, although he became interested in the captain's projects, practically did not resort to his opportunities in parliament to implement them.

Already at this stage, one can identify at least two features of de Gaulle, which manifested themselves even more fully in his managerial practice: this is the desire to bypass small tactical defeats to win in the main and the passion for innovation as an administrative tool. Perseverance, energy, inflexibility of will, loyalty to convictions (however, doubtful) - all these qualities have been repeatedly described and sung by historians. However, the most important components of de Gaulle's methodology, which are often overlooked, are undoubtedly the breadth of strategic intent and innovation. For him there was one scale - the scale of France.

De Gaulle's efforts were not in vain, but their effect was scanty: in general, the minor reorganization carried out did not affect the state of the army. De Gaulle, after moving up the staff career ladder, achieved that, with the rank of colonel, he was appointed to command the only tank regiment, for the formation of which he so advocated. The regiment was incomplete. The tanks were completely outdated. On September 1, 1939, Germany attacked Poland, and France and Great Britain declared war on Germany. In a matter of days, a significant part of French territory was occupied.

This affected de Gaulle's career. He was immediately promoted to brigadier general (he preferred to keep this title for the rest of his life) and led the hastily formed 4th Panzer Division. At the cost of incredible efforts, de Gaulle even managed to stop the enemy's advance from the north and put some of his units to flight, but this could not affect the overall course of the war. In June 1940, in a situation where surrender was almost inevitable, Paul Reynaud appointed him to a high position in the Ministry of Defense. But it was already too late. Despite de Gaulle's efforts to continue the struggle by France, the Reynaud government resigned, and Marshal Pétain, who took his place, signed the capitulation.

At a time when the British were negotiating with the French government preparing for surrender about the fate of its colonies, de Gaulle first met Churchill. After the surrender, de Gaulle flew to London, where he immediately created the Free French organization and demanded that he be given airtime on British radio, which broadcast in the occupied territory and in the possessions of the Vichy regime. On June 18, 1940, de Gaulle's first address to the nation was made.

quarrelsome frenchman

The French say: "De Gaulle will remain in the history of France as a sacred person, since he was the first to draw his sword." However, the situation in which de Gaulle found himself was not easy. According to the historian Grosse, the Free French fought on three fronts: against German and Japanese enemies, against Vichy, whose spirit of surrender it exposed, and against the Anglo-Americans. Sometimes it was not clear who the main enemy was."

Churchill hoped, by sheltering the fugitive general, to get into his hands a person with the help of whom he could influence the policy of internal resistance, on free colonies, but this was a cruel delusion. With astonishing speed, de Gaulle practically from scratch created a centralized, completely independent organization from the allies and anyone else, with its own information headquarters, the armed forces. Around him, he gathered people practically unknown to him before. At the same time, everyone who signed the Act of Accession, which meant joining the "Free France", necessarily signed the obligation to unconditionally obey de Gaulle.

“I believed,” de Gaulle wrote in his “War Memoirs,” that the honor, unity and independence of France would be forever lost if in this world war France alone capitulates and comes to terms with such an outcome. For in this case, no matter how the war ends whether a conquered nation be liberated from invaders by foreign armies or remain enslaved, the contempt it would inspire in other nations would poison its soul and the life of many generations of Frenchmen for a long time." He was convinced: "Before you philosophize, you need to win the right to life, that is, to win."

From 1940 to 1942, the number of soldiers alone fighting under the banner of "Free (later - Fighting) France" increased from 7 to 70 thousand. The Americans had already printed the occupying currency and expected to transfer power to the Supreme Allied Commander in Europe, General Eisenhower, but as a result of the political and military struggle, by the time D-Day, as the Allies called the day of the landing in Normandy on June 7, 1944, de Gaulle achieved international recognition of his subordinate Committee of National Liberation as the provisional government of France. Moreover, thanks to the efforts of this man, France, formally under the leadership of the Vichy government, was an alliance with Nazi Germany, practically "occupied" by the Allies, received the right to its own occupation zone in Germany as a victorious country, and a little later - a seat in the UN Security Council. Without exaggeration, such successes can be called phenomenal, given that at the beginning of this struggle he was just a deserter of the French army warmed by Britain, whom a military tribunal in his homeland sentenced to death for treason.

To what did Brigadier General de Gaulle owe such success? First, the idea of ​​creating a "Free France" and broadcasting daily in the occupied territory. Free French emissaries toured all the free French colonies and countries of the present "Third World", trying to get de Gaulle recognized as a representative of the "free French". And, it must be said, the methodical work of de Gaulle's secret agents eventually yielded results. Secondly, de Gaulle immediately established close contact with the Resistance, supplying it with what little means he had. Thirdly, from the very beginning he positioned himself as an equal in relation to the allies. Often de Gaulle's arrogance infuriated Churchill. Everything went well if their positions converged, but if disagreements arose, then they began to argue. At the same time, de Gaulle accused Churchill of drinking too much and whiskey hit him in the head. Churchill, in response, stated that de Gaulle imagines himself to be Joan of Arc. One day this almost ended with de Gaulle's deportation from the island. literally their rejection.

Churchill and Roosevelt were extremely annoyed by the obstinate general. Roosevelt called him a "capricious bride" and angrily suggested to Churchill that de Gaulle be sent as "governor to Madagascar." Churchill shared Roosevelt's distaste for the "arrogant Frenchman", calling him a "hidden fascist", "an absurd person who imagines himself the savior of France", saying that "the unbearable rudeness and impudence in the behavior of this man are complemented by an active Anglophobia". Secret English archives were recently opened, and it turned out that Churchill even sent a cipher from Washington to London: “I ask my colleagues to immediately answer whether we can, without postponing this question, eliminate de Gaulle as a political force ... Personally I am ready to defend this position in Parliament and I can prove to everyone that the French Resistance movement, around which the legend of de Gaulle is created, and he himself - a vain and malicious man - have nothing in common ... He hates England and everywhere sows this hatred ... Therefore, proceeding from our vital interests, which consist in maintaining good relations with the United States, it seems to me unacceptable to allow henceforth this quarrelsome and hostile person to continue to do evil. Further, Churchill justifies his attitude towards de Gaulle (it should be noted that it was Roosevelt who supplied Churchill with compromising evidence on de Gaulle - information from the American special services): dictatorial manners, hidden fascist tendencies in actions and plans, the desire behind the back of the allies to come to an agreement with Moscow and in a separate way " settle things with Germany." Allegedly, de Gaulle was especially fond of the USSR, and Stalin had already twice suggested that he move his residence from London to Moscow. However, the game of Roosevelt, inciting Churchill against de Gaulle, stumbled upon the position of the British Cabinet, which answered its prime minister: report that any propaganda efforts on our part against de Gaulle will not convince the French that their idol has feet of clay.Moreover, we run the risk of allowing completely unjustified from any point of view interference in the purely internal affairs of the French, and we are simply accused of trying to turn France into an Anglo-American protectorate."

The "anglophobe with dictatorial manners" himself always emphasized his respect for Churchill. Only once did he slip up in annoyance. Offended that he was not invited to a conference of three leaders in Yalta, when asked which of them he would like to spend the weekend with, he answered: "Of course, with Roosevelt! Or, in extreme cases, with Stalin ..." A little he later told Eisenhower: "Churchill thinks I take myself for Joan of Arc. But he is wrong. I take myself only for General de Gaulle."

When American and British troops occupied Algiers, they attempted to remove de Gaulle from power and form a government in exile headed by General Giraud. De Gaulle acted swiftly. Relying on the forces of the Resistance and, importantly, on Moscow, he immediately flew to Algeria, where he proposed to organize a National Liberation Committee under the co-chairmanship of Giraud and himself. Giro agreed. Churchill and Roosevelt were also forced to agree. Soon de Gaulle pushes Giraud into the background, and then removes him from the leadership without any problems.

In general, de Gaulle constantly played on the contradictions of his allies. In particular, both the occupation zone and the seat in the Security Council went to France mainly thanks to Stalin's support. Sympathizing with Stalin, de Gaulle convinced him that France would help establish a balance of power in the UN, which leaned more towards the Soviets.

After the provisional government under the leadership of de Gaulle came to power in France, he proclaimed the slogan "Order, law, justice" in domestic policy, and the greatness of France in foreign policy. De Gaulle's tasks included not only the restoration of the economy, but also the political restructuring of the country. De Gaulle achieved the first: he nationalized the largest enterprises, carried out social reforms, while purposefully developing the most important industries. The second one went worse. From the very beginning, de Gaulle resorted to the political device "over the fight." He openly did not support any of the parties, including the "Gaullists" - the movement of the general's supporters, believing that, being above the political struggle, he would be able to win the sympathy of all voters. However, despite his high personal authority among the people, he was defeated in the main battle - the battle for a new constitution.

The "Gaullist" party, not personally supported by the general, did not receive a majority in the elections to the Constituent Assembly, which was called upon to develop a constitution. The provisional parliament, through compromises, developed the constitution of the Fourth Republic, which had a unicameral parliament that appointed the government, and a president with limited power functions. De Gaulle waited until recently and in the end proposed his own version of the constitution with strong executive power in the person of the president. He counted on massive propaganda and the effect of surprise to beat the parliamentarians. But the variant of the Constitution of the Fourth Republic, proposed by the parliament at a referendum, gathered 52.5% in favor and 45.5% against. So de Gaulle himself became a victim of "above-class arbitrage," as he called it. In the elections to the National Assembly, the "Gaullists" won only 3% of the vote. In January 1946, de Gaulle resigned, and his political career was on leave for 12 years.

Solitaire is patience

To say that at the age of 68 de Gaulle again came into politics from a complete social non-existence is an exaggeration. Of course, while retired, he led public activities. But the main thing was the expectation. De Gaulle lived in the family home in Colombey-les-Deux-Église with his wife: he wrote memoirs, gave interviews, walked a lot. In 1947, he tried to organize a new political movement using the old method of coalition "above parties and movements", but the movement was not successful, and in 1953 he retired completely. De Gaulle liked to play solitaire. "Solitaire" in French means patience.

Many say that Colombey was Napoleonic Elbe for de Gaulle. In this case, we can say that the time in power is in progressive proportion in relation to the time in exile. Napoleon spent a year on the Elbe, and stayed in power for 100 days. De Gaulle spent 12 years in Colombey. He remained in power from 1958 to 1969, after which he voluntarily retired, earning general respect.

In the 1950s, France was torn apart by crises. In 1954, France suffered a brutal defeat in Indochina from national liberation movements. De Gaulle did not comment. Unrest began in Algeria and other countries of North Africa, where the bulk of the former or actual French colonies were located. Despite economic growth, the population suffered severely from the devaluation of the franc, from inflation. Waves of strikes swept across the country. Governments have changed. De Gaulle was silent. By 1957, the situation worsened: both left- and right-wing extremist tendencies in society intensified. The fascist military in Algeria, fighting against the rebels, threatened a coup. On May 13, 1958, such a coup almost happened. Newspapers began to write about the "need for responsibility." In the conditions of the most acute government crisis, on May 16, the president turned to de Gaulle with a proposal to take the post of prime minister with the approval of parliament. After that, in December 1958, de Gaulle himself was elected president with an unusually wide (for France of that time) range of powers: in case of an emergency, he could dissolve parliament and call new elections, and also personally oversaw defense, foreign policy and the most important domestic ministries. Interestingly, the text of the Russian constitution, approved by citizens in a referendum in 1993, largely coincides with the de Gaulle constitution, which, by all accounts, Russian reformers took as a model.

Despite the apparent swiftness and ease with which de Gaulle came to power for the second time, this event was preceded by the hard work of the general himself and his supporters. De Gaulle constantly conducted secret negotiations through intermediaries with the political leaders of the ultra-right parties, with parliamentarians, and organized a new "Gaullist" movement. Finally, having chosen the moment when the threat of civil war had reached its apogee, de Gaulle spoke on the radio on May 15, and before parliament on the 16th. The first of these speeches was full of fog: "Once in a difficult hour, the country trusted me to lead it to salvation. Today, when the country faces new trials, let it know that I am ready to assume all the powers of the Republic." In the texts of both speeches, even the word "Algeria" never appeared. If the first was intimidating, then the speech in parliament could even be called amiable. Such was the method of "carrot and stick" - for the people and for the leaders of the socialists, who had to approve his candidacy for the post of prime minister in parliament, and then elect him president.

Mysteriousness, secrecy, brevity, emotionality - this was also de Gaulle's weapon this time. He relied not on this or that political inclination, but on the psychology of subordinating the crowd to the mysterious charm of the leader. Politicians in the government and the presidential apparatus were replaced by economists, lawyers, and managers. "I am a lonely man," de Gaulle told the people in front of the parliament building, "who does not confuse himself with any of the parties, with any organization. I am a man who does not belong to anyone and belongs to everyone." This is the whole point of the general's tactics. Given that at that time, in parallel with the demonstrations of the ultra-right, rallies of "Gaullists" were taking place all over Paris, directly calling on the government to resign in favor of the general, there was a fair amount of slyness in his words.

In the relationship between de Gaulle and the Gaullists, as well as in de Gaulle himself in 1958, one can see similarities with Vladimir Putin and the Unity movement. All the less, such an analogy seems to be a stretch, given that both of them came to power with the urgent need of society for the immediate resolution of colonial problems and with the growth of nationalist sentiments in society.

The new constitution, approved in a referendum by a majority of almost 80%, introduced a presidential system of government for the first time in French history. With the strengthening of the executive power, the parliament was limited in legislative rights. It was supposed to work 2 sessions a year: autumn (October-December) was devoted to the consideration of the budget, spring (April-June) - legislative activities. The government set the agenda. Voting was carried out on the budget as a whole, while discussing the draft, the deputies did not have the right to make amendments that provide for a reduction in revenues or an increase in state spending.

Parliament was "pushed": de Gaulle communicated directly with the people through referendums, which he could appoint on his own.

Gold instead of dollars

The authority of de Gaulle was quite high. Not looking up from resolving the internal political crisis, he took up the economy and foreign policy, where he achieved some success. He was not concerned with problems, but with a problem: how to make France a great power. One of the measures of a psychological nature was the denomination: de Gaulle issued a new franc in denominations of 100 old ones. De Gaulle did not have a central bank. Money multiplied by credit issue. A handful of bankers fed on inflation. De Gaulle suggested that French banks should not exceed the 10% lending rate. The franc became a hard currency for the first time in a long time.

According to the results of 1960, the economy showed rapid growth, the fastest in all the post-war years. De Gaulle's course in foreign policy was aimed at gaining independence for Europe from two superpowers: the USSR and the USA. A European Common Market was created, but de Gaulle blocked the admission of Great Britain into it. Apparently, Churchill's wartime words, thrown during one of the disputes about the status of France and its colonies, - "Remember, whenever I have to choose between free Europe and the sea, I will always choose the sea. Whenever I have to choose between Roosevelt and you, I will choose Roosevelt!" - deeply sunk into the soul of de Gaulle, and now he refused to recognize the British islanders as Europeans.

France successfully tested an atomic bomb in the Pacific in 1960. During these years, de Gaulle's administrative abilities did not manifest themselves in all their glory - the general needed a crisis to show the whole world what he was really capable of. He easily held a referendum on the issue of presidential elections by direct universal suffrage, although for this he had to dissolve Parliament. In 1965 he was re-elected, although this time the vote was held in two rounds - a direct consequence of the new electoral system.

On February 4, he announces that his country will now switch to real gold in international settlements. De Gaulle's attitude to the dollar as to a "green paper" was formed under the impression of an anecdote told to him a long time ago by the finance minister in the Clemenceau government. “A Raphael painting is being sold at an auction. An Arab offers oil, a Russian offers gold, and an American lays out a stack of one hundred dollar bills and buys Raphael for $10,000. As a result, the American got Raphael for three dollars, because the cost of paper for one hundred dollar bill is three cents! ".

De Gaulle called the de-dollarization of France his "economic Austerlitz". He declared: “We consider it necessary that international exchange should be established, as it was before the great misfortunes of the world, on an indisputable basis, not bearing the seal of any particular country. On what basis? In truth, it is difficult to imagine that there could be some other standard than gold. Yes, gold does not change its nature: it can be in ingots, bars, coins; it has no nationality, it has long been accepted by the whole world as an unchanging value. Undoubtedly, even today the value of any currency is determined on the basis of direct or indirect, real or perceived links with gold.In international exchange, the supreme law, the golden rule (it is appropriate to say here), the rule to be restored is the obligation to balance the balance of payments of different currency areas through effective receipts and gold costs.

And he demanded from the United States, in accordance with the Bretton Woods agreement, living gold: at $35 per ounce to exchange $1.5 billion. In case of refusal, de Gaulle's forceful argument was the threat of France's withdrawal from NATO, the elimination of all 189 NATO bases in France and the withdrawal of 35,000 NATO soldiers. The militant general suggested that other countries follow the example of France - to turn dollar reserves into gold ones. The US capitulated. The general in power, even in the economy, acted by military methods. He said: "The commissariat will follow."

Can't edit with "but"

However, his "dirigisme" in the economy, which led to the crisis of 1967, and an aggressive foreign policy - opposition to NATO, Great Britain, sharp criticism of the Vietnam War, support for the Quebec separatists, sympathy for the Arabs in the Middle East - undermined his position in the domestic political arena. During the "revolution" in May 1968, when Paris was blocked by barricades, and posters "05/13/58 - 05/13/68 - it's time to leave, Charles!" hung on the walls, de Gaulle was at a loss. He was rescued by the faithful Prime Minister Georges Pompidou, a supporter of a softer, advisory policy of the state in the economy, the unrest more or less subsided, new social reforms were carried out, but after that de Gaulle for some reason dismissed Pompidou. When the general's next legislative initiatives were rejected by parliament, he could not stand it and on April 28, 1969, ahead of schedule, voluntarily resigned from his post.

Summing up the information that can be obtained from a brief analysis of the biography of Charles de Gaulle, we see several prerequisites that determined his career from his youth. First of all, a brilliant education and a constant craving for knowledge, for self-improvement in the intellectual sense. De Gaulle himself once said: "The true school, which gives the ability to command, is a common culture." As examples, he cited Alexander the Great, whose teacher was Aristotle, and Caesar, who was brought up on the works and speeches of Cicero. De Gaulle could repeat: "To manage means to foresee, and to foresee means to know a lot." Another prerequisite, of course, is purposefulness, faith in one's destiny, born in childhood. In Saint-Cyr, a classmate told him before graduation: "Charles, I feel that you are destined for a great destiny." Someone else in de Gaulle's place would naturally have laughed it off, but he answered without a shadow of a smile: "Yes, I think so too." For the most part, such people make up the clientele of psychiatric clinics, but some of them succeed - they become the de Gaulles.

De Gaulle earned the ironic nickname "the king in exile" from his superior at the Military Academy for his dryness, demeanor and "turning up his nose". A later biographer, describing de Gaulle in Britain in the 1940s, used the same expression without any irony, rather with admiration. Of course, to be de Gaulle, one had to look like de Gaulle. Here is what Jacques Chastenet writes: "Very tall, thin, monumental build, with a long nose over a small mustache, a slightly escaping chin, an imperious look, he seemed much younger than fifty years old. Dressed in a khaki uniform and a headdress of the same color, decorated two stars of a brigadier general, he always walked with a wide stride, holding, as a rule, his hands at his sides. He spoke slowly, sharply, sometimes with sarcasm. His memory was amazing. He simply exuded the power of the monarch, and now, more than ever, he justified the epithet "king in exile"

"Arrogant," they said about de Gaulle. Here is what he himself wrote about this in the 1930s: “A man of action cannot be imagined without a fair amount of egoism, arrogance, cruelty and cunning, but all this is forgiven him, and he even somehow rises more if he uses these qualities for doing great things." And later: "A true leader keeps others at a distance, for there is no power without prestige, and no prestige without distance." Characteristically, de Gaulle sympathized with Stalin. Although he understood that they had little in common in political, social beliefs, he believed that as leaders, as people, they were similar to each other.

As for the qualities of de Gaulle as a leader and politician, to the extent that political activity is the art of managing people, here we can distinguish five defining features, five properties of de Gaulle, which, first of all, allowed him to become one of the largest figures in France.

First, de Gaulle was both phenomenally authoritarian as a leader and excessively independent as a subordinate. It is worth noting, however, that this authoritarianism was strictly related to action. De Gaulle, the chief, never asked - he ordered. Independence, however, belonged entirely to the area lying outside the military regulations. He carried out orders unquestioningly, everything that was outside of them - at his own discretion. De Gaulle, the guest, did not ask the British government - he demanded and got his way.

Secondly, de Gaulle never became obsolete. Both his rationalization proposals and his methods of political and military struggle were characterized by freshness and novelty. As already mentioned, the characteristic feature of his method was innovation. He remained true to this principle both when he turned from a promising officer into a freethinker and oppositionist, in order to soon take one of the leading posts in the headquarters and confirm his innocence, and when in 1968, a few days before his resignation, he tried to achieve the adoption of a new law on Senate, which radically changed the relationship between the central and municipal authorities in the Republic.

Thirdly, de Gaulle combined a long wait for the moment with the impetuosity of the initiative, covert, intense, painstaking work to prepare for any serious step with truly hussar pressure and the apparent ease with which he was given an assault on each new bastion, whether it was the organization of the National Liberation Committee, a triumph in Paris or return to big politics in 1958. This lightness gave him a romantic, heroic aura with a mystical tinge, raised his already high authority, instilled faith in his power.

Fourthly, de Gaulle was distinguished by mystery and closeness, devoting few people to his plans, committing inexplicable, from the point of view of an outsider, actions, listening carefully to his comrades-in-arms, but never consulting, and, finally, delivering exciting speeches, being able to say everything and nothing at the same time. .

And finally, fifthly, de Gaulle always strove to remain above the situation, giving himself the status of a "supra-class arbiter": on the one hand, he never openly took sides, allowing the situation to be resolved without his intervention, on the other hand, he sought support at the same time from everyone who could only support him, and in general diligently cared for the prestige of a person who rises above the vanity of this world. Even in relation to the allies, on whom he was completely dependent, he behaved not only as an equal, but even at times condescendingly. Their goal was to win the war, his was to put France on a pedestal of greatness. Ultimately, this method played a bad game with him twice: during the elections of 1946 and in 1968, when he himself did not find support from any of the political groups.

Much can be said about de Gaulle's services to the fatherland, as well as about his mistakes. He, being a talented theoretician of military art, did not conduct a single historically important battle, but managed to lead his country to victory where it was threatened with defeat from everywhere. Not being closely familiar with the economy, he successfully managed the country twice and twice brought it out of a deep crisis - I think, solely due to his ability to competently organize the work of the structure entrusted to him, whether it be an insurgent committee or the government of a multi-million state.

Charles de Gaulle quit smoking at 63. He was very proud of both this fact and the method that helped him get rid of a bad habit. The General's private secretary, Guichard, decided to follow the patron's example and asked him how he had done it. De Gaulle replied: "Very simply: tell your boss, your wife, your secretary, that from tomorrow you don't smoke. That's enough."

Life, a true patriot, the Frenchman Charles de Gaulle.

Charles de Gaulle himself explained his feelings as follows: love for France was instilled in him and his sister by their father and mother, and from childhood, the children could not even imagine how it could be otherwise.

Biography of Charles de Gaulle

De Gaulle was born in the autumn of 1890 in the city of Lille, at his grandmother's house. He spent his childhood in Paris, along with his parents and sister.

Charles de Gaulle received the profession of a military man, studied at a military school. He was a participant in the First World War, and was even captured.

By the Second World War, he was already a general in the armed forces of France. During World War II, Charles was against any compromise with the pro-fascist government.

It was at this time that his path as a successful politician began. He met several times in London with Winston Churchill, discussing with him the possibilities of French resistance. Churchill called General de Gaulle the honor of France.

With his successful example and speeches, he raised the spirits of the French and encouraged them to continue resisting the Nazis, despite the official policy of France.

He becomes the organizer of the free France movement, to which the French colonies agitate to join, many of which do so.

Such as Chad, Congo, Gabon, Cameroon. Since the Second World War, de Gaulle has been trying with all his might to limit the interference of the United States and England in French politics.

At that time, the goal of Anglo-American policy was to exclude France from the leading countries of Europe, to completely subordinate her to his influence.

And how could de Gaulle, brought up on the principles of nationalism, allow this? Therefore, he had to, being a military man, also become a politician and defend the freedoms of the French people.

The contribution that Charles de Gaulle made to the history of France, his success in the political arena cannot be overestimated.

He was with her in the most difficult years of the country, organized resistance during the Second World War, for ten years, from 1959 to 1969, he was president of the Fifth French Republic.

He was one of the authors of the French constitution, which is still used today. Nicolas Sarkozy, the sixth president of the Fifth French Republic, in one of his speeches spoke of de Gaulle as the savior of France, who returned the country's independence and, no less important, its prestige in the world community!

By the way, it was during de Gaulle's time that the issue of creating their own nuclear weapons was being considered in France.

The first nuclear weapons tests were carried out in 1960 in the Sahara desert. The tests were terminated by President Mitterrand.

During de Gaulle's time, France leaves NATO. De Gaulle already at that time understood that the dollar was just a piece of paper with a very low cost and was already trying to convert dollars into gold and thus reduce the influence of the United States on France. In part, he succeeded at that time.

He collected US paper dollars that were in France, took them by plane to Washington and exchanged them for gold there, which discouraged the American top leadership and eventually forced them to abandon the peg of the dollar to gold.

November 22 brings together the presidents of France and the United States. Charles de Gaulle's birthday, John F. Kennedy's day of tragic death

At the same time, Soviet-French cooperation was actively developing. De Gaulle in the USSR saw his ally in the fight against the Anglo-American alliance, and his dislike of communism is a thing of the past, in order to successfully promote his national interests.

De Gaulle stands for a united Europe, it is in such a Europe that he sees an opportunity to resist NATO, and this is why he openly supports Germany.

However, while pursuing an active and successful foreign policy, the situation inside the country was difficult: huge unemployment, the standard of living of the population was low.

All this led to dissatisfaction among the French with de Gaulle's tough policy. And in 1969 he leaves his post. And already in 1970, General de Gaulle dies.

In honor of the world-famous de Gaulle, the main French airport is named - Airport Paris - Charles de Gaulle, or as it is also called Roissy - Charles de Gaulle and the pride of France - the first nuclear aircraft carrier and the only currently operating aircraft carrier of the French Navy " Charles de Gaulle".

And also a rose from the family of tea-hybrid roses, a rose of lilac varieties "Charles de Gaulle", is named after him.

Another little-known fact from the life of General de Gaulle is that he was a trustee of a medical foundation in France that helped families with children with Down syndrome.

Here is such an interesting, versatile person, a world-famous politician, public figure, a true patriot of his country.

His personal success came from the goal, from the dream of the success of his country, a country with independent thinking. De Gaulle from a simple military man became a successful respected politician, thinker, business executive.

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On November 9, 1970, one of the world's outstanding politicians, Charles de Gaulle, died. In memory of this figure, the site publishes his brief biography and interesting facts from life.

Charles André de Gaulle (1890-1970) - a military general and an outstanding statesman, served as President of France for many years and is rightfully recognized as one of the largest politicians of the 20th century. During the years of World War II, he founded the Free French movement, and later strengthened his country's position as a world power and contributed to maintaining peace throughout the world.

Outstanding military leader

Charles de Gaulle was born in Lille to a bourgeois family with strong patriotic traditions. He graduated from the military academy of Saint-Cyr, and then - the Higher Military School in Paris. During World War I, Charles de Gaulle showed himself as a brave officer, and after the war he returned to the Saint-Cyr Academy - now, as a teacher of military history. At the beginning of World War II, de Gaulle was appointed commander of a tank brigade that distinguished itself in battles on the Somme. Having quickly received the rank of brigadier general, he was appointed deputy minister of national defense, but the government of Marshal Petain was not going to fight the Nazis, preferring to decide on surrender.

Petain's government sentenced de Gaulle to death in absentia

When the fateful decision to surrender was made, the general declared: “Is there really no hope? […] Not! Trust me, nothing is lost yet. […] France is not alone. […] Whatever happens, the flame of French resistance cannot be extinguished. And it won't go out." In response to his passionate call, the French rose up in an organized struggle against the Nazis in the zone of occupation and beyond. The government of Petain, subordinate to the Nazis, sentenced de Gaulle to death in absentia.

Resistance movement

In 1943, the French National Liberation Committee was created.

Not considering it possible to enter into negotiations with the Nazis, de Gaulle flew to London. On June 18, 1940, he addressed on the radio with an appeal to his compatriots to continue the fight against the invaders. This was the beginning of the Resistance, and de Gaulle himself led the united patriotic forces ("Free France", and since 1942 - "Fighting France"). In 1943, the general moved to Algeria, where he created the French National Liberation Committee, and since 1945 he became head of government.

Statesman

Marc Chagall painted the Grand Opera by order of de Gaulle

Charles de Gaulle was convinced that the president of the country should have very broad powers of authority, but the majority of the deputies of the Constitutional Assembly categorically disagreed with this. The result of the outbreak of the conflict was de Gaulle's resignation in January 1946. However, 12 years later, when the colonial war in Algeria aggravated the situation in France to the limit, the 68-year-old de Gaulle was elected president of the Fifth Republic with a strong presidential power and a limited role for parliament. Under his leadership, which lasted until 1969. France regained its lost position as the world's leading power.

Interesting Facts

In honor of Charles de Gaulle, the Paris airport, the Parisian Zvezda Square, the nuclear aircraft carrier of the French Navy, as well as the square in front of the Cosmos Hotel in Moscow and a number of other memorable places are named.

Throughout his life, according to historians, there were 31 assassination attempts on Charles de Gaulle. In the two years since Algeria gained independence, there have been at least six serious assassination attempts.

In his eighties, Charles de Gaulle's eyesight began to weaken. Once receiving the Prime Minister of the Congo Abbe Fulbert Yulu, dressed in a cassock, de Gaulle addressed him: "Madame ...".

There were 31 assassination attempts on Charles de Gaulle.

Charles de Gaulle once remarked about France: "How can you govern a country that has 246 types of cheese?"

The military career of Charles de Gaulle began immediately after receiving basic education. Charles de Gaulle entered the French military academy Saint-Cyr (analogue of West Point in the USA), from which he graduated in 1912.

Charles de Gaulle was born on November 22, 1890 in the north of France in the city of Lille, not far from the Belgian border. He was the third of five children in a patriotic Catholic family. His father, Henri de Gaulle, taught philosophy at the Jesuit College.

Charles de Gaulle came to power thanks to the fact that he managed to convince the French people that with him France would win the Algerian war. In fact, de Gaulle was pessimistic about the fate of French Algeria and had surrender in his plans.

In 1964, Marc Chagall painted the ceiling of the Paris Grand Opera by order of President Charles de Gaulle.

Not a single building is listed on Charles de Gaulle Square.

Charles de Gaulle - President of the French Republic (1959-1969)

Charles André Joseph Marie de Gaulle was born in Lille on November 22, 1890. He was the third child in the family of Jeanne and Henri de Gaulle. The family was quite wealthy, his parents were right-wing Catholics. The parents raised their five children in the spirit of patriotism, thoroughly introducing them to the history and culture of France. Events of the revolution at the end of the 18th century. were regarded as a tragic mistake of the French nation, and Henri de Gaulle called the Marseillaise "a godless song"
His father, Henri de Gaulle, was a professor of philosophy and history at the Jesuit College on Rue Vaugirard. In 1901, Charles began his studies at this college. Proud and obstinate, Charles was at the same time a romantic youth, able to admire and think deeply about the future of his homeland. Many years later, in his memoirs, he will write: "I was sure that France was destined to go through the crucible of trials." I believed that the meaning of life was to accomplish an outstanding feat in the name of France, and that the day would come when I would have such an opportunity.
Charles received a religious education, read a lot, showed great interest in literature from childhood, even wrote poetry. Having become the winner at the school poetry competition, the young de Gaulle chose the latter from two possible prizes - a cash prize or a publication. De Gaulle was fond of history, especially since the de Gaulle family was proud not only of their noble origin and deep roots, but also of the exploits of their ancestors: according to family legend, one of the de Gaulle family, Zhegan, participated in the campaign of Joan of Arc. Little de Gaulle listened his father's stories about the glorious past of his family with burning eyes.Many, such as Winston Churchill, later laughed at de Gaulle, saying that he suffered from the "Joan of Arc complex." But the most revered French saint dreamed of the future general in childhood, in a dream he fought side by side with her for the salvation of France.
Even as a child, de Gaulle's character showed obsessive persistence and the ability to manage people. So, he taught himself and forced his brothers and sister to learn a coded language in which the words were read backwards. It must be said that this is much more difficult for French orthography than for Russian, English or German, and, nevertheless, Charles could speak such a language without hesitation in long phrases. He constantly trained his memory, the phenomenal qualities of which amazed those around him later, when he recited speeches of 30-40 pages by heart, without changing a single word compared to the text outlined the day before.
From his youth, de Gaulle had an interest in four disciplines: literature, history, philosophy, and the art of war. The philosopher who had the greatest influence on him was Henri Bergson, from whose teaching the young man could draw two important points that determined not only his general outlook, but also practical actions in everyday life. The first is what Bergson considered natural, the natural division of people into a privileged class and an oppressed people, on which he based the advantages of dictatorship over democracy. The second is the philosophy of intuitionism, according to which human activity was a combination of instinct and reason. The principle of acting on a hunch after precise calculation was used by de Gaulle many times when making the most important decisions that led him to the heights, as well as overthrown him from them.
Family atmosphere and hobbies shaped de Gaulle's attitude to his homeland, to its history, to his mission. However, the desire for military affairs forced de Gaulle to carry out in practice the fulfillment of that duty to the motherland, which for many generations of philosophers and teachers of de Gaulle remained a pure theorem. In 1909, after graduating from college, Charles entered the military school of Saint-Cyr.
It is widely believed that military service deprives a person of the ability to think independently, teaches him only to follow orders that are not subject to discussion, prepares martinet. There is hardly a more graphic refutation of such nonsense than the example of Charles de Gaulle. Every day of service was not wasted for him. Without ceasing to read, to educate himself, he carefully observed the life of the French army, noticing all the shortcomings in its structure. Being a diligent cadet, without violating the charter in any way, he remained a strict judge of what he saw.
In 1913, with the rank of second lieutenant, de Gaulle entered the service in an infantry regiment under the command of the then Colonel Philippe Pétain (who was destined to raise de Gaulle to commanding heights, so that later, in 1945, to be pardoned by his own former protégé and thereby avoid death penalty).
Having brilliantly studied, the young de Gaulle goes to the front of the First World War. Three times wounded after a hand-to-hand fight near Verdun, he is captured by the Germans, from which he tries to escape 5 times. Only at the end of the war did he return to France, where he continued to improve himself at the higher military school in Paris. At the same time, he wrote several books, seeing the possibility of widespread use of tanks and aircraft in military operations. In the 20s. de Gaulle makes presentations, publishes articles and books, in which, in particular, he analyzes the results of the First World War, sets out his military doctrine, draws the image of a strong personality, a leader (under the influence of the ideas of the philosopher Nietzsche)
After the war, de Gaulle participated in the intervention in Soviet Russia as an instructor officer in the Polish troops. After that, he served in the occupying forces in the Rhineland and participated in the operation to invade the French troops in the Ruhr, in an adventure from which he warned the authorities and which ended in a resounding failure - under pressure from Germany and the allies, France was forced to retreat, and its share in the reparations payments have been reduced. At this time, he wrote several books, among which it is worth highlighting "Discord in the Camp of the Enemy", a commentary on the actions of the German army and government during the First World War, begun in captivity. The actions of the German headquarters in this work were subjected to sharp criticism. De Gaulle did not dwell on the objective reasons for the defeat of Germany, but gave an analysis from which it followed that the defeat was led, almost in the first place, by the internal and military policy of the German government and the General Staff. It must be said that at that time in France, paradoxically, the organization of the military machine of the Wehrmacht was considered a model. De Gaulle also pointed to the significant miscalculations of the Germans.
The book was subsequently appreciated for its many fresh ideas. For example, de Gaulle argued that even in times of war, the military administration of a state must be subordinate to the civil administration. Now this statement, which follows directly from the thesis that wars are won in the home front, seems obvious enough. In the 1920s in France, it was sedition. It was not useful for a career military man to express such judgments. De Gaulle, in his views on the structure of the army, on the tactics and strategy of the war, was very different from the mass of the French military establishment. At that time, his former commander, the winner at Verdun, Marshal Pétain was an indisputable authority in the army. In 1925, Pétain turned his attention to the fact that de Gaulle did not take a worthy place in the headquarters, and appointed him his adjutant, instructing him to soon prepare a report on the system of defensive measures in France.
Meanwhile, in Germany, Hitler comes to power and the Second World War becomes inevitable. De Gaulle anticipates the impending danger, but, alas, not everyone listens to his warnings.
Being engaged in military pedagogical activity, he presented a number of theoretical works on strategy and tactics, proposed a new model for the interaction of various branches of the military. In 1937 de Gaulle became a colonel. Two years later, with World War II unleashed, Germany strikes at France as well; in 1940, having broken the resistance, the Germans forced the French army to retreat. De Gaulle is promoted to the rank of general and becomes commander of a tank division. The newly minted brigadier general in command of the division insists on continuing the war, although the government is inclined to stop it.
The French say: "De Gaulle will remain in the history of France as a sacred person, since he was the first to draw his sword." However, the situation in which de Gaulle found himself was not easy. According to the historian Grosse, the Free French fought on three fronts: against German and Japanese enemies, against Vichy, whose spirit of surrender it exposed, and against the Anglo-Americans. Sometimes it was not clear who the main enemy was."
Churchill hoped, by sheltering the fugitive general, to get into his hands a person with the help of whom he could influence the policy of internal resistance, on free colonies, but this was a cruel delusion. With astonishing speed, de Gaulle practically from scratch created a centralized, completely independent organization from the allies and anyone else, with its own information headquarters, the armed forces. Around him, he gathered people practically unknown to him before. At the same time, everyone who signed the Act of Accession, which meant joining the "Free France", necessarily signed the obligation to unconditionally obey de Gaulle.
“I believed,” de Gaulle wrote in his “War Memoirs,” that the honor, unity and independence of France would be forever lost if in this world war France alone capitulates and comes to terms with such an outcome. For in this case, no matter how the war ends whether a conquered nation be liberated from invaders by foreign armies or remain enslaved, the contempt it would inspire in other nations would poison its soul and the life of many generations of Frenchmen for a long time." He was convinced: "Before you philosophize, you need to win the right to life, that is, to win."
After leaving for England (for negotiations with Churchill, in order to gain support), he learns about the truce between the French government and Hitler.

An aura of mystery has surrounded de Gaulle ever since his voice first sounded on British radio in 1940 in Nazi-occupied France (De Gaulle calls on the radio to fight against fascism), and for many French de Gaulle for several years and remained just a voice - the voice of freedom, twice a day uttering five-minute speeches, remained the name of hope, which was passed on to each other by the participants in the resistance movement. De Gaulle himself used this secrecy more than once to achieve certain political goals. However, in practice, Charles de Gaulle was not at all such a mysterious person. Ambiguous - yes. But all the "secrets" of the general are hidden in his biography. After all, first of all, the figure of the great general was a product of the extraordinary circumstances in which all of France found itself. And one of her soldiers in particular.
De Gaulle himself remains in England (his family also moves there). The organization "Free French" (later renamed "Fighting France") is formed, the motto of which was the words "Honor and Homeland". De Gaulle is doing a great job of developing the Resistance movement, negotiations on the unification of various groups. The indefatigable general, together with Giraud, "commander-in-chief of civil and military", establishes the French Committee of National Liberation (FKNO), forms the Provisional Government of France. The committee and the government were recognized as allied countries in the anti-Hitler coalition: England, the USSR and the USA.
From 1940 to 1942, the number of soldiers alone fighting under the banner of "Free (later - Fighting) France" increased from 7 to 70 thousand. The Americans had already printed the occupying currency and expected to transfer power to the Supreme Allied Commander in Europe, General Eisenhower, but as a result of the political and military struggle, by the time D-Day, as the Allies called the day of the landing in Normandy on June 7, 1944, de Gaulle achieved international recognition of his subordinate Committee of National Liberation as the provisional government of France. Moreover, thanks to the efforts of this man, France, formally under the leadership of the Vichy government, was an alliance with Nazi Germany, practically "occupied" by the Allies, received the right to its own occupation zone in Germany as a victorious country, and a little later - a seat in the UN Security Council. Without exaggeration, such successes can be called phenomenal, given that at the beginning of this struggle he was just a deserter of the French army warmed by Britain, whom a military tribunal in his homeland sentenced to death for treason.
To what did Brigadier General de Gaulle owe such success? First, the idea of ​​creating a "Free France" and broadcasting daily in the occupied territory. Free French emissaries toured all the free French colonies and countries of the present "Third World", trying to get de Gaulle recognized as a representative of the "free French". And, it must be said, the methodical work of de Gaulle's secret agents eventually yielded results. Secondly, de Gaulle immediately established close contact with the Resistance, supplying it with what little means he had. Thirdly, from the very beginning he positioned himself as an equal in relation to the allies. Often de Gaulle's arrogance infuriated Churchill. Everything went well if their positions converged, but if disagreements arose, then they began to argue. At the same time, de Gaulle accused Churchill of drinking too much and whiskey hit him in the head. Churchill, in response, stated that de Gaulle imagines himself to be Joan of Arc. One day this almost ended with de Gaulle's deportation from the island. literally their rejection.